Gao Zhisheng's Letter to Fellow Rights ActivistUnder house arrest, the renowned Beijing-based rights lawyer finally succeeds in contacting Hu Jia, a personal friend and supporter

China Aid Association
Gao Zhisheng’s Letter to Fellow Rights Activist
Under
house arrest, the renowned Beijing-based rights lawyer finally succeeds
in contacting Hu Jia, a personal friend and supporter
By Gao ZhishengThe Epoch Times
Apr 10, 2007
Attorney Gao Zhisheng with his family, prior to his arrest. (The Epoch Times)
Related Articles
– Gao Zhisheng: ‘I Will Fight for My Family’s Living Rights’ Monday, April 09, 2007
– The CCP Should Be Condemned for Criminalizing Gao Zhisheng for Writing to The Epoch Times Sunday, December 24, 2006
– The Secret Trial and Illegal Verdict Against Gao Zhisheng Thursday, December 28, 2006
– Human Rights Attorney Taken Away by Chinese Police Thursday, January 04, 2007
Editor’s note: Due to
the Chinese communist regime’s severe suppression, surveillance, and
house arrest of Gao Zhisheng and his family, Gao’s first two letters
failed to reach Hu Jia. After numerous attempts to make contact, Gao
was finally able to reach Hu by phone. During the conversation, Gao
read his letter to Hu:
Dear Hu Jia and Zeng Jinyan,
How are you? This is my third letter to you since I was released from prison.
As with the last two letters, we want to thank you and express
our respect for you. Thank you for your sacrifice and commitment to our
family. Thank you for your selflessness and persistence toward
[upholding] human conscience, dignity, and justice. People see clearly
how desperate the communist regime is in the face of your persistence
because it [the regime] is a force against civilization. This passing
era, as well as my family, will remember you and your selfless, moral
strength.
My letter is written to praise you—the strength and courage
you have shown make my wife and me so proud. Beginning with my violent
abduction, the evil force inside the Chinese communist regime
immediately began a campaign of terror and brutal persecution.
On the second day after my abduction, I saw many guarantees
that others had signed, such as: “Will Not Get Involved in Rights
Protection,” “Will Not Be Involved in Gao Zhisheng’s Matters,” “Will
Not Contact Gao’s Family.” During the campaign of terror, your strength
and commitment were so rare (they are qualities that are near
extinction in China) that their value is a signpost for the future.
Here I want to emphasize, for those who persist in their values but
were temporarily forced to write down guarantees, we should praise them
as well unless their souls and behavior have slid down to degenerate
levels.
Please convey my family’s respect and greetings to Guo
Feixiong’s family. In China, few people publicly persist in their
refusal to cooperate with the evil regime. People should admire what
the Guo family is bearing during this era.
Please also convey our respect and greetings to Chen
Guangcheng’s family. Chen, who is blind and longs for brightness in his
heart, made the evil forces in Shandong blunder—they completely lost
their minds. This kind of hysterical craziness still continues.
However, brightness belongs to this era. Also please convey our respect
and greetings to Yan Xuezheng’s family. Including your family and mine,
the courage of these families has made the regime terrified, and their
traits—how weak and guilty they are—were exposed. If China had several
more families like these, how long would the communist regime remain in
control?
Here, please again convey my respect and greetings to my dear
friends Zhang Min, Gao Jie, Xu Ling, Zhao Zifa, Yi Fan, Yang Xianhong,
Huang Lijuan, and others. They are the voices who make me strong when
we are in hard times, although we have not heard their voices in eight
months. Please convey our thankfulness to Xiu, Dawei, and those who
gave us strong moral support during the dark days, and many other
friends whose names I will not mention and who even have different
beliefs. [All of] you were the hope for our family when we were facing
the severest suppression; you are family too.
Please convey our respect and greetings to Jia Fengjun, Jiao
Guobiao, Yafeng, Tengbiao, Qi Zhiyong, Ho Chun-yan, Ma Wendu, and
Heping. Please convey my greetings to Chen Guangcheng’s defense lawyer
Guo Feixiong and to Yan Zhengxue’s defense lawyer. Please convey my
genuine greetings to foreign governments, international organizations,
groups, media, journalists, and all kind-hearted people who have cared
about our family’s situation.
I also want to say that during the senseless persecution of my
family by the state machine that does not care for or respect our
Chinese nation, many people inside the regime’s legal system who still
have kindness in their hearts openly or secretly provided help and
support and showed sympathy to me and to my family in all kinds of
ways.
During my detention, the depth of the support from those
people was something I did not expect .This force of goodness had a key
effect on me in being able to accept a process of compromise. The
existence of this force is also a strong support to help us get over
the hard times and continue to walk on.
I heard that in the outside world some people complained that
I did not say anything after coming out of prison. I felt that this was
unfair. The complaint should have been made to the evil regime that
made our family unable to speak. Even at this stage, no bird could even
flee from my home. Other than TV and lights, all other communication
tools are non-existent in my home, and we are forbidden to meet any
living person.
My home is a prison for the four of us. Although we live in
Beijing, we are the loneliest people at this time. Almost the entire
human race knows that the isolation of my family is unlawful. What the
regime is doing to us is continuous, public, and shameful; it tramples
and defies civilization and the moral values of the human race. But the
entire human race seems helpless and appears to keep silent in the face
of this, and the silence is definitely intensifying the isolation of my
family.
This is not a letter of complaint although this is what is
happening to my family. Everyone should be clear about this: We are
appealing for the outside world’s attention. It is said that enduring
hardship is an opportunity to strengthen one’s spirit and purify one’s
soul, so we do have some reward from this suffering.
Regarding the rumor that I betrayed someone, I just want
people to think about one question: During my contact with people and
involvement in many activities in the past several years, who could be
betrayed by me? What kind of contact that I have had with people could
not be put under the glare of the sun? In today’s China, who has been
interrogated or detained because of my betrayal?
I believe you did not receive my previous two letters, so I
would like to provide a brief description of what happened in the
prison after August 15, 2006. [ Editor’s note: Gao was abducted on this date.
At noon on August 15, 2006, after a loud noise, the door of my
sister’s home in Ying City, in Shandong Province, was violently broken
through. More than 30 thugs rushed in, and four of them jumped on the
bed and beat me down. After a shower of fists and kicking, I was forced
to kneel on the floor. They covered my eyes and mouth with many layers
of opaque tape and covered my head with a bag. I was pulled downstairs
with my hands cuffed behind my back.
That morning, before the abduction, more than 20 cars and 200
men were mobilized around Building No. 27. On the way to Beijing, with
one on each side of me pressing me hard, they didn’t relax even for a
moment. During the entire trip, they said only one sentence: “If he
dares to act rashly, beat him to death!”
That day, I was taken to an unknown place. Tens of them were
waiting, mostly in police uniform. After the head covering and the tape
were removed, more than 10 cameras were there surrounding me and taking
pictures of me with only my underwear on. They kept busy for more than
20 minutes until I was sent to a cell. From the abduction to the prison
cell, from Shandong to Beijing, the mood surrounding these hoodlums was
nervousness and excitement.
From August 15 to December 22 and during the entire process of
interrogation, “815” was my name. No one was supposed to ask my
name—this must be a first in the judicial history of mankind. My cell
was No. 124 on the west side, and I slept in the No. 4 bunk.
After I had been in No. 124 cell for half an hour, the
interrogation started. From August 15 to December 22, I was imprisoned
for a total of 129 days. During this time, I was handcuffed for 600
hours, fixed to a specially made iron chair for 590 hours, and
illuminated by strong lights on both sides for about 590 hours. In the
129 days, I was forced to sit on the floor cross legged to examine my
sins for 800 hours, and I was forced to wipe down the bunk bed boards
385 times. The enforcement was all carried out by my inmates.
Since November 29, after both sides [Gao and the regime]
agreed to compromise on the technical level, I was forced to cooperate
with them to produce a video for admitting guilt “without pressure,”
announcing my declaration “voluntarily,” and re-shooting the
interrogation records.
In the 129 days, the so-called “interrogation” by the police
was the lengthy part. The time from the intervention by the
procurator’s office to the prosecution was only eight working days. On
the same day that I received the bill of indictment, court officials
came to take me to the court. From the intervening of the court to the
court session, it was only six working days. The so-called “public
trial” court session was carried out extremely secretively. There was a
10-day delay after the court session, supposedly to obtain approval by
the highest authority. During the court session, numerous police and
police cars were mobilized.
According to the police officer who escorted me and who had
been a bailiff for six years: “We have experienced lots of special
cases, but have never experienced mobilizing so many cars to take one
person, mobilized so many policemen, not to mention seeing the General
Deputy Procurator personally conducting the court session.” But their
standard answer to the outside was that “they are trying a chieftain of
Falun Gong.”
A person who was handling the case said proudly: “815, you are
a freak. We mobilized so much manpower to deal with you. Let me tell
you, we are”
[ Editor’s note: At this point in the transcript of the
conversation, Hu Jia told Gao that his voice had dropped. Gao replied:
“Marvelous, Marvelous, God is truly helping us today. Our call was
working fine (until now)€¦ Today we got €¦ someone gave me this phone
card. After checking it, there is only 20 cents left on it. You must
hurry €¦ I hope I can finish what we want to talk about.” From this, we
deduced that Gao got a phone card and made this call from an unknown
pay phone. ]
We mobilized so much manpower to deal with you. Let me tell
you, this is the most large-scale national movement since 1989. We have
never put in so much energy into one person’s case; our police worked
so hard. Just for the hunger strike and human rights, there are 188
cases nationwide; one car isn’t enough to load them all. Your case has
brought the Communist Party and people so much trouble that even if you
get a life sentence, it is not too much.”
The message I got while I was in prison was that from February
2006, the Committee of Political and Legislative Affairs of the Central
Committee had mandated a special project team of people from the
police, prosecution, court, national security, and so on, and they hold
routine weekly meetings.
Every routine meeting was to be chaired by the Committee of
Political and Legislative Affairs to compile domestic and overseas
intelligence related to me and to the latest so-called “situation and
movement of the enemy,” and then they would announce new directives. It
also said the special project team was not going to stop working just
because I had been sentenced and that they were going to continue
functioning long term to exhaust all resources and means to restrain my
family. It said my problem was not permitted to become a long-term
problem.
In the entire case, what they are most concerned with is the
resilience of Falun Gong practitioners and the issue of the [relay]
hunger strike and human rights protest. Their main focus is on the
relationship of me and Falun Gong—how deep this relationship is and my
several open letters regarding Falun Gong. I feel clearly that the
biggest worry of the evil force inside the regime is Falun Gong and the
issue of civil rights.
Although I am unable to get outside information now, I think
generally [the discussion] is all about matters related to the
so-called “compromise” and so-called “public announcement,” and my
heart is filled with such unthinkable shame. Regarding public rumor and
slander, I have no plan to answer them. I know if I tried to, these
people would come up with a thousand, ten thousand retaliations! Yes,
there is compromise, the reason is as follows.
The good force in the CCP [Chinese Communist Party] has made a
limited contribution. 1. They sent people to me who said, “Gao, you are
a good man; we hope you can have a relatively good ending.” 2. “If you
are jailed long term, those who seek your arrest would be even more
unscrupulous.”
Another thing is that the evil force openly holds my wife, two
children, and my kin as hostages. They even deprived my wife’s family
and my hometown relatives of all means of survival. The CCP thugs
continue to openly torment their spirits and to threaten me that they
will thoroughly destroy the future of my children and the means of
earning a living of my wife and all relatives of my and my wife’s
families. Although I had some understanding before of the evil nature
of the regime—one that disregards justice, promotes shamelessness, has
a complete lack of morality, and will do anything to realize its goal—I
still under-estimated how evil it is!
It is said that the outside speculates that our two sides had
some shameful exchange. There has been an exchange: The written
announcement is made under the condition of 5,000 yuan [approximately
US$633] living expenses for my wife and children, which is my legal
income that they illegally confiscated. Also, I don’t have sufficient
moral courage not to come to the rescue of my wife and children when
they are drowning.
Gege [Gao’s daughter] really took this blame and compromise to
heart, and she cried in front of me many times. She said that she heard
a schoolmate’s parent say there were people accusing me of being
traitor, and that I had a split personality. I am not willing to
bargain over this, but I can’t be unconcerned about my child’s feeling.
Regarding this issue, I would like to be direct in discussing
my opinions. First, compromise plays an important role in all political
struggles. Sometimes compromise is used by the strong side of the
struggle. Sometimes it is used by the weak side in the struggle. Many
times it is used by both sides. Compromise is often considered a virtue
when it is used by the strong side. When it is used by the weak side,
it is often seen as a capitulation to the strong.
Second, in China people who stand by the side and do nothing
will never be criticized. I recall one statement: “Lies are more
suitable to human beings than the truth!” It is tragic to be cheated,
but I think the most tragic thing is to see through the lies! Those who
are cheated are much happier than those who see through the lies. I
have been fighting for freedom and human rights, but as a result, my
whole family is deprived of freedom. My passion for justice and
righteousness in China has brought us shackles, chains, and endless
persecution. I do not agree with those who criticize my decision and
reject and dismiss my values simply because of their limited
understanding.
Third, I do not think that those who have concluded that I
have compromised my values and/or caved in to the CCP are being
supportive towards China’s human rights movements. China has never
lacked strong voices in past civil rights movements—they are always at
the highest position of morality and their tongues and pens are their
inexhaustible resources. They always serve as the judges of people like
us—the action takers—and they always accept the fate of people like us,
who are separated from our wives and children.
This time, the fact that I was not detained for a long time
has become the reason for their anger. It seems to them that the cause
of human rights abuses is my family, instead of those who oppress us.
Their criticisms have provided support to the lies of the CCP. Their
criticisms help the CCP even more so to achieve its goals. Their
criticisms play directly into the hands of the CCP.
The threat to the human rights movement is real. The harsh
reality we are facing cannot be resolved only by passion. When I heard
that my children and my wife did not receive a penny to support their
living expenses, that they were beaten many times and that the U.S.
Embassy refused to help my child after she finally managed to run to
them to seek help, I thought more from the perspective of a husband and
a father, and less like a hero! I do not care what these judges of
morality may say about my moral standards. Their opinions cannot change
my character or soul. And this kind of judgmental thinking undoubtedly
works against the future of the human rights movement in China.
Regarding my current situation, I don’t want to talk about it
too much. However, regarding the past, I have much dissatisfaction.
Compared to others’ endless sufferings, what I have done is
insignificant. Before 2003, I had not realized that a people’s search
for freedom and human rights could bring so much blood and terror. The
cruelty that I have witnessed is more than could be expected of even
the most vicious persons. I innocently believed that the existence of
such terrible things were the enemy to a China ruled by law.
I once wrote letters to our country’s leaders. As you all
know, my single voice did not solve or stop the spread of the bloody
crimes. Moreover, I was the one who saw through the lies. As a result,
my family’s disaster has begun. Today we do not know what the future
will bring for our family. I do not apologize for my decisions. I will
not agree with anyone who criticizes what I have done.
For my future, what I would like to say is this: I will no
longer be the person who will work toward improving our society. I will
keep trying to be a useful person to my family, which requires constant
efforts. I will not provoke, nor participate in, nor do I have the
power to participate in any human rights movements or activities.
From now on, I belong only to my family. I do not belong to
any group. But if our means of livelihood are continuously threatened,
I will not hesitate to fight for it. Nor will I hesitate to fight to
protect my family even if it means that I will be jailed again.
As I work to improve my family’s current living conditions,
the prospect of another prison term will not deter me. The group of
people that keeps my family under constant surveillance is also the
group of people trying to kill me. What they do everyday to my family
is targeted toward this same goal. They want to put me back in jail. No
one can imagine their lawlessness.
I heard from Gege that Jinyan is pregnant. My whole family is
so happy for you. A small piece of good news from the outside is like
sunshine penetrating our soul. It is a feeling people with freedom
would not be able to understand. It brings lots of joy to a family in
despair. We are so happy for you. Congratulations to you! My wife and I
often worry about Hu Jia’s health. You must care for your health as
much as you care for the truth. Hu Jia and Zeng Jinyan, the present
world needs you.
According to a reliable source, the Beijing Bureau of Justice
and the Ministry of Justice have secretly revoked my license to
practice law. In China’s legal system, I have always been guided by my
responsibilities. I have not done things that were against my
conscience. But eventually, I became the target of the highest judicial
authorities.
This reminds me of a discussion I had with a leader of the
Beijing Municipal Bureau of Justice. He said: “Attorney Gao, you should
pay attention to yourself now. You have been labeled as ‘the most
special lawyer’ since 1949. In another words, you are a stupid lawyer.
Think about it, in all the attorneys’ offices of China, who acts like
you? You do not engage in cases that bring income and benefits. You get
involved in stupid things which have nothing to do with your personal
benefits. You are wasting your own time and you have become a
particular concern to the Ministry of Justice. You should mend your
ways. If you continue to refuse to realize your errors, it will be too
late for you to cry for justice.”
I fully understand that the authorities are no longer aligned
with the value and honor of my profession and that I have become the
enemy of my profession. It is difficult for me to stay in this
profession. In any case, China’s legal system has temporarily become
“pure” by kicking me, the “pale pure” out of it.
Sincerely,
Gao Zhiseng
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